 | |
Updated: 6/21/2020 |
Austronesian Comparative Dictionary
Cognate Sets
*R
Ra Re Ri Ru
27922
*Rabak tear, in tatters
4805
PWMP *Rabak tear, in tatters
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Note: Kapampangan normally shows *R > y, but has g from *R in some other forms (e.g. *Rapus ‘bind’ > gapús ‘binder, fetters, chain’, ga-gapus ‘be bound, tied’).
|
32696
27964
27925
27923
*Rabiqi late afternoon, evening; evening meal
11082
PMP *ka-Rabiqi last night
11083
POC *ka-Rabiqi evening (?)
|
7374
PMP *paka-Rabiqi (gloss uncertain)
7375
POC *paka-Rapiqi afternoon, evening
|
7376
PAN *ka-Rabi-an (gloss uncertain)
|
7379
PPh *R<um>abiqi become night, turn into night
|
7380
PAN *Rabi-an evening, night
|
7381
PPh *Rabi-en taking place at night
|
Note: Also Puyuma ɭabi ‘dinner’, Ida'an Begak gabpi ‘night’. The most serious problem with this comparison is that some languages point unambiguously to *Rabiqi, while others just as clearly indicate *Rabi. Both variants appear in Amis, where Fey (1986) gives lafi ‘dinner, the evening meal’, but lafii ‘midnight’, and several languages that should have a non-zero reflex of *q instead show no intervocalic consonant, as with Atayal gbi-an ‘late afternoon, evening’, Agutaynen labi ‘night’, Maranao gabi ‘meal at evening’, Tongan efi-afi and Rennellese ahi-ahi ‘afternoon, early evening’. One option would be to reconstruct doublets *Rabi, *Rabiqi, but for now I prefer to posit only PAn *Rabiqi, and assume that *q tended to be lost between identical vowels in words of three or more syllables.
|
30279
29872
*RabuC uproot, pull out by the roots
6530
PAN *RabuC uproot, pull out by the roots
10682
PMP *Rabut uproot, pull out by the roots
10683
POC *Raput uproot, pull out by the roots
|
Note: Also Bontok gábot ‘pull out by the roots, as weeds, grass or hair’, Kankanaey gábut ‘eradicate, uproot’, Ifugaw gábut ‘to weed, pull out weeds and grass’, Tagalog lábot ‘drawing out of something rooted in soft matter, pulling away of teats of cattle (or such animals) from the suckling mouth of the young’, Manggarai rambut ‘pull up grass, weed a garden.’ With root *-buC.
|
30859
30863
Note: Also Manobo (Western Bukidnon) gapun ‘a cloud’, peŋ-gapun ‘(of the sky) to become cloudy’, Ngaju Dayak hawon ‘sky, heavens’, Toba Batak rambon 'unclear, hazy, indistinct, Motu γahu ‘mist; fog at sea; haze’. The gloss ‘cloud’ in some languages seems too generalized to be useful, since *Rabun evidently referred only to clouds that hung low over the tops or sides of mountains --- in other words, to those that obscured landscape features through an intervening mist or fog, not to clouds high in the sky. Dempwolff included Malay rambon ‘hail’, but no such form is cited in Wilkinson, and its connection with the present comparison remains in doubt.
30337
*RaCus hundred
7316
PAN *RaCus hundred
7317
PMP *Ratus hundred
|
7318
PWMP *ma-Ratus one hundred
|
7319
PMP *sa-ŋa-Ratus one hundred
|
7320
PWMP *Ratus-an by hundreds, hundreds at a time
|
Note: Also Isneg ma-gasút ‘one hundred’, Casiguran Dumagat dátos ‘unit of a hundred, a hundred’, Agta (Dupaningan) ma-gátu ‘one hundred’, Ibaloy dasos ‘hundred’, san-dasos ‘one hundred’, d<in>asos ‘by hundreds, multiples of one hundred’, Pangasinan lasós ‘hundred’, Ida'an Begak ratu ‘hundred’, mə-ratu ‘one hundred’, Kadazan Dusun atus ‘hundred’, iŋ-gatus ‘a hundred times’, Bintulu ratus (< Malay), Melanau (Mukah) ratuih (< Malay), Simalur ratui, Sasak atus ‘hundred’.
The PAn status of this reconstruction depends crucially on Hoanya matala-gasut, recorded by Naoyoshi Ogawa from a 75-year old male in 1909 (Tsuchida 1982:40). However, this form is problem-free, since *R > g is independently attested in *um-aRi > magi ‘come’, *C > s in *Caliŋa > saŋila ‘ear’ or *CebuS > sibus ‘sugarcane’, and *s > t in *susu > tutu ‘female breast’. Unlike such Northern Luzon forms as Ilokano gasút or north Sulawesi forms as Sangir se-hasuʔ, then, the Hoanya form does not show metathesis in relation to PMP *Ratus. In fact, if Hoanya reflected *RasuC its expected reflex for ‘one hundred’ would be **(matala-)gatus, and so would appear to agree with unmetathesized reflexes of the PMP form. Both PAn and PMP reconstructions for this form thus appear to be firmly established, with consonants in the order reflected by the great majority of the languages.
|
27927
30137
30645
32731
32333
27973
*Ra(ŋ)k(e)qaŋ spread the legs
4859
PWMP *Ra(ŋ)k(e)qaŋ spread the legs
|
Note: With root *-kaŋ₁ (or *keqaŋ?) ‘spread apart, as the legs’.
|
30864
*Rakit lay long objects side by side; raft
8685
PMP *Rakit lay long objects side by side; raft
|
8686
PWMP *paR-Rakit bound together (?)
|
8687
PWMP *Rakit-an (gloss unclear)
|
Note: Also Agta (Dupaningan) rákit ‘raft’, mag-i-rakit ‘send something by raft’ (< Ilokano), Mapun gakit ‘raft (usually made from bamboo)’ (< Central Philippine source), Iban akit ‘raft; make or use a raft’, Javanese rakit ‘pair (as of carabaos), team, span; layout, arrangement; (forming) a set or pair’, Manggarai raŋki ‘raft’.
The *Rakit probably was made of bamboo, which is highly buoyant, and difficult to sink or become waterlogged. Although cognates are unknown in Taiwan, it is likely that Austronesian speakers reached Taiwan from the mainland of southern China (Fujian) by means of bamboo rafts, since there is no evidence for the outrigger canoe prior to Proto-Malayo-Polynesian. Rafts continued to be useful for purposes of short water crossings, long after outrigger canoes had become the primary means of long-distance oversea exploration. Their function probably was primarily to ferry people and goods across large rivers or short water crossings. For this reason rafts were retained in places like Mindanao or Borneo, where there were many rivers to cross, but lost in places like the Marianas, Micronesia or Polynesia, where open water crossings required more sophisticated watercraft. With root *-kit₂ ‘join along the length’, a raft being the major cultural production made by joining objects (bamboos or logs) along the length.
|
27932
27934
33229
27935
*Rambia sago palm
4818
PMP *Rambia sago palm [doublet: *Rumbia]
7958
POC *Rabia sago palm
|
Note: Also Wetan lpia, Asilulu lapia ‘sago tree, Metroxylon spp.’, lapia mutin ‘cold sago porridge’, Alune lapia, Kayeli mpia ‘sago palm’, Likum lepi, Molima labiʔa ‘sago palm’. Dempwolff (1938) reconstructed *rumbi(y)a ‘sago palm’, but reflexes of *Rambia are more widely distributed, and less vulnerable to the interpretation that they are loanwords from Malay. Nonetheless, both *Rambia and *Rumbia appear to be justified by comparative evidence. In addition, nearly all known reflexes of this form in CMP languages show p for an expected voiced bilabial stop, and this may be evidence for a third variant, but one that cannot be attributed to a proto-languages higher than Proto-Central Malayo-Polynesian.
|
29920
(Formosan only)
*RameC root
6594
PAN *RameC root [doublet: *RamiS]
|
Note: Also Amis lamit ‘root (with literal and figurative meanings). Possibly identical to PMP *Ramut ‘root’, with an irregular change of the last vowel.
|
27936
29970
(Formosan only)
*RamiS root
6654
PAN *RamiS root [doublet: *RameC]
|
Note: Also Atayal gamil ‘root’, Amis (Central) lamit ‘root’.
|
33438
27938
27937
27939
30879
*Ramut₁ fibrous roots, as of grass
8704
PMP *Ramut₁ fibrous roots, as of grass
WMP |
Yami |
yamot | root |
Itbayaten |
yamot | root |
Ilokano |
ramót | root |
|
ag-ramót | to grow roots |
|
i-ramut-an | to cut off the roots |
|
ramut-en | to uproot |
Ibanag |
gamuʔ | root |
Atta (Pamplona) |
gamuʔ | root |
Isneg |
xamút | root |
|
mag-gamút | to take root |
Itawis |
gamút | root |
Arta |
ramut | root |
Bontok |
lamút | root |
Kankanaey |
lamót | root |
Ifugaw |
lámut | roots of trees or any kind of plant |
Yogad |
gamut | root |
Gaddang |
gamut | root |
Casiguran Dumagat |
gimót | roots (of a tree or plant); to sprout, of a root; to grow out of a coconut shell |
Ibaloy |
damót | the root of a plant or tree |
|
damot-ón | to take root in the ground |
Pangasinan |
lamót | root |
Sambal (Botolan) |
yamót | root |
Kapampangan |
yamut | root |
Tagalog |
gamót | medicine; anything given in the treatment or cure of diseases; cure; remedy; antidote |
|
i-gamót | to administer a specific medicine; to give something as medicine or treatment |
|
mag-gamót | to try to cure oneself; to treat oneself |
|
mag-pa-gamót | to consult a doctor; to get someone as a physician; to cure one’s ailment |
|
maŋ-gamót | to practice medicine; to follow the profession of a doctor |
|
maŋ-ga-gamót | physician; a doctor of medicine |
|
pa-gamót | to allow oneself to be cured or treated |
|
pag-gamót | treatment; the act or process of treating an illness |
|
paŋ-gamót | medicinal; healing; curative |
|
ka-gámút-an | applicable cure, remedy or relief |
|
ka-gamut-án | specific cure or medicine |
|
pá-gamut-an | dispensary; infirmary; clinic |
|
g<um>amót | to treat or cure a sickness or patient |
|
gámút-an | the process of treating a patient; place where treatment is given |
|
gamut-ín | to doctor; to cure; to get rid of an ailment or bad habit; to treat; to deal with in order to relieve or cure |
Bikol |
gamót | root |
|
pag-gamót | to put forth roots |
Hanunóo |
gamút | root, as of a tree |
Romblomanon |
gamut | the root of a plant or tree |
Masbatenyo |
gamót | root |
|
pa-gamut-ón | to cause to take root |
Inati |
yemot | root |
Aklanon |
gamót | root |
Agutaynen |
lamot | root, as of a plant; a magic love charm, directed at a person by another in order to cause him/her to be attracted to her/him |
|
lamot-on | to put a love charm on somebody |
Hiligaynon |
gamút | root |
Palawan Batak |
gamót | root |
Cebuano |
gamút | root of plants; root cause; for plants to take root; stay long in a place |
|
pa-gamút | propagate plants by letting cuttings develop roots |
Central Tagbanwa |
yamot | root |
Binukid |
gamut | root (of plants); (for plants) to take root |
Mansaka |
gámot | to grow roots |
Mapun |
gamut | root, as of a tree |
|
ŋaŋ-gamut | to take root; to develop roots; to become established |
Yakan |
gamut | root , as of a tree or plant (also used of teeth) |
Molbog |
ramut | root |
Tausug |
gamut | a root (of a tree or plant) |
|
mag-gamut | to develop roots; to become settled or established |
|
g<um>amut | to develop roots; to become settled or established |
Kadazan Dusun |
gamut | root |
|
papa-gamut | to cause or allow to root |
|
ko-gomut-an | (act of) producing roots; rooting |
|
po-gomut-on | allowed to root |
Minokok |
gamut | root (of a tree) |
Lun Dayeh |
ramut | a thick and untidy beard |
Kelabit |
ramut | fibrous roots, as of grass, rice or coconut trees |
Sa'ban |
muət | fibrous roots |
Dali' |
ramut | root |
Kiput |
lamut | root |
Bintulu |
amut | small or fine roots, fibrous roots |
Lahanan |
amut | root |
Talaud |
žamutta | root |
Madurese |
ramoʔ | root |
Tonsea |
amut | root |
Tonsawang |
amuc | root |
CMP |
Bimanese |
amu | root |
Manggarai |
ramut | moss, mossy; tangled and thick, of hair |
Sika |
ramut | roots of a tree |
Lamaholot |
amut | root |
Adonara |
ramut | root |
Kédang |
ramu-r | root |
Kodi |
amu | root |
Anakalangu |
amu | root |
Kambera |
amu | root; cause |
Hawu |
amo aju | root; medicine (because the people prepare medicines from roots) |
Dhao/Ndao |
amo | root |
Mambai |
ramu-n | root |
Talur |
ai-ʔamot | root |
Nuaulu |
namut-e | root |
Paulohi |
lamut-i | small roots |
Alune |
ai-lamut-i | tree root |
OC |
Keapara |
lamu | root |
Hula |
ramu | root |
Motu |
ramu | root |
Mekeo (East) |
ŋamu-ŋa | root |
Mono-Alu |
lamutu-na | root |
Varisi |
ramutu-na | root |
Nggela |
lau-lamu | hairs on mango |
Talise |
lamu-na | root |
Arosi |
ramu-ramu | small fibrous aerial roots, loose ends of bag, hanging strings, etc. |
|
ramu-ramu-ʔa | hairy, as a ghost or a man’s legs (ghosts are hairy) |
|
10928
PWMP *maka-Ramut to take root, grow roots
|
Note: Also Agta (Dupaningan) ramót ‘the root of a plant or tree’ (< Ilokano), Maranao gamot ‘poison’, Dobuan ramuna ‘root’. Surprisingly, this widespread form is missing from Dempwolff (1938) because no two of the critical witnesses on which he relied have a homosemantic reflex.
|
33571
*Ramut₂ a charm used to control someone magically
Note: Also Tboli lamat ‘a kind of charm; for someone to have this charm means to have a little knowledge about spirit-beings which can help other people by knowing the cause of their illness.’
|
32761
*Ranebut pluck out
11200
PWMP *Ranebut pluck out
|
Note: Also Tagalog gábot ‘uprooting’. With root *-buC ‘to weed, pluck, pull out’.
|
27940
27956
27957
30831
30832
33615
33820
27959
27962
27963
27969
*Raŋu dry
Note: Also Manobo (Western Bukidnon) gaŋuʔ 'of plants, to dry up, Manggarai daŋo ‘dry’. The agreement of the Kalamian Tagbanwa and Kambera glosses suggests that this form may have referred to a contrastive degree of incomplete dryness.
|
27941
27942
33572
33292
27943
*Raqan lightness (weight)
4826
PMP *Raqan lightness (weight)
|
4827
PMP *ma-Raqan light in weight
|
Note: Also Ilokano lagɁán ‘lightness; (fig.) easiness’, Bikol giʔán, Kelabit mə-raɁən ‘light in weight’. Dempwolff (1924-1925) reconstructed *Raqan (written *ɣahan) ‘light in weight’, but cited no reflexes other than Cebuano gaʔán. Mills (1981) attributes Selaru rān and some other CMP forms which may belong to the present cognate set to "Proto-Indonesian" *Daŋ(-an) ‘light(weight)’.
|
27944
*Raqup cup the hands
4828
PMP *Raqup cup the hands [doublet: *raqup]
|
Note: Also Mongondow aup ‘hold between something, clench, clasp’.
|
33608
33859
29989
*RaSuŋ ambush, attack from concealment
Note: Also Paiwan rauŋ ‘place of ambush’, r<m>auŋ ‘to ambush, wait in ambush’, pa-rauŋ ‘ambush by means of a trap (as a firearm rigged with string to trip trigger’ (< Puyuma ).
|
27946
27947
33364
*Ratas₂ milk
Note: Also Ilokano gátas ‘milk’ (presumably a Tagalog loan).
|
33905
*RauS scoop net
12733
PAN *RauS scoop net [doublet: *kauS]
|
12734
PAN *Ra-RauS a dip net
|
Note: Although the semantics of Pazeh tu-raus may raise questions about cognation, the noun formed by Ca- reduplication is clearly cognate with the Thao form.
|
27952
27953
30358
*Raya big, large
7358
PAN *Raya big, large
|
Note: Also Tombonuwo aayo ‘big’, Kayan (Uma Juman) ayaʔ ‘big, large, great; old’, Narum rayaaʔ ~ ayaaʔ, Miri ayaʔ, Taboyan, Dusun Malang gaya ‘big’, Acehnese rayeuʔ ‘big, extensive, fat, considerable’, Rejang loi ‘big, large’, Sundanese raya ‘big’, Old Javanese raya ‘great, big’, Javanese rɔyɔ ‘great, important’.
While this term evidently encompassed the meaning ‘big’ in English, it seems to have referred to more than simple physical size, and probably included such culturally-defined senses as ‘important’, ‘main’, ‘major’ and the like, as well as denoting powerful natural phenomena, as strong winds and loud noises.
|
33963
27977
*Rebek to fly
4863
PMP *Rebek to fly
11911
POC *Ropok to fly
|
7746
POC *Ropo-Ropok flying
|
Note: Also Gedaged zou ‘to fly, flutter along’, Tambotalo roβu, Atchin row ‘to fly’.
|
34035
28011
27981
28012
*Re(ŋ)keŋ shrink, contract
4898
PMP *Re(ŋ)keŋ shrink, contract
11912
POC *Rokoŋ shrink, contract
|
Note: With root *-keŋ₄ ‘shrink, shrivel’, seen also in 1. PMP *keŋkeŋ ‘shrink’, 2. Kayan ukeŋ ‘stunted, dwarf’, Malagasy ónkina ‘shrink, be shrivelled’, 3. Malagasy vónkina ‘contract, shrivel, shrink’ and 4. Fijian saqoqo ‘shrivelled, as a leaf, decrepit, as an old man, shrunk, as cloth’.
|
27986
27990
*Reneg press down
4876
PMP *Reneg press down
|
Note: Also Tboli lenog ‘press down; release; press to test fruit’.
|
27991
31361
27993
27995
28004
33835
33353
34013
33847
31362
*Retiq popped rice
9449
PWMP *Retiq popped rice [disjunct: *retiq]
|
Note: Also Cebuano bitíʔ ‘snapping, popping sound; popcorn’. Based on the comparison Toba Batak bo-r-ti, Malay be-r-tih, Dempwolff (1934-38) reconstructed *be[tT]iq ‘popped rice’. There is a high probability that the Toba Batak form is a loan from Malay, but Dempwolff's reconstruction appears to be additionally supported by Proto-Minahasan *bətiʔ ‘burst (of roasting corn)’.
|
33591
28014
*Riaq sword grass: Imperata cylindrica
Note: Also Kavalan ered ‘sword grass: Imperata cylindrica’, Tsou vrio, Saaroa ərəɬa, Karo Batak rih ‘long sharp-edged grass: Imperata cylindrica’, Sasak re, Bare'e le, Makassarese rea, Rotinese li, Manggarai riʔi ‘Imperata cylindrica’. Part of this comparison was first recognized in print by Verheijen (1967-70). Tsuchida (1976:170) posits Proto-South Formosan *(wə-)Riaq₂ ‘cogon grass (Imperata cylindrica)’.
|
28015
*Riaw cry out, clamor
4901
PWMP *Riaw cry out, clamor
|
Note: Also Buli liau ‘noise, din, uproar’. Mills (1975:686) posits Proto-South Sulawesi *rio, "Proto-Indonesian" *[rR]iuq ‘glad, noisy’. The South Sulawesi forms could as easily be assigned to the present cognate set.
|
28016
29996
(Formosan only)
*Ribawa swell; swelling, tumor
Note: Also Amis (Kiwit) ma-lu-vawa (= ma-luvawa?). Saisiyat bawaʔ probably is a product of analogical wrong division which resulted from reanalyzing the prefix *ma + stem-initial *R as the common active verb prefix maL-.
|
30585
*Ribu thousand
Note: Also Itbayaten rivo thousand; om-rivo ‘one thousand’, rivo-rivo-en ‘by the thousands’, Ilokano ríbo ‘thousand’, sa-ŋa-ríbo ‘one thousand’, Agta (Central Cagayan) mə-hibo, Agta (Dupaningan) ma-ríbu ‘one thousand’ (< Ilokano), Isneg ma-ríbu ‘one thousand’, Itawis ma-ríhu ‘thousand’, Bontok líbo ‘a unit of one thousand’, Manobo (Western Bukidnon) libu ‘thousand’, Mansaka libo ‘unit of thousand’, sa-n-libo ‘1,000’, Binukid libu ‘thousand’, libu-libu-en ‘thousands; countless number’, Tombonuwo oribu, Bisaya sə-ribu, Kenyah (Long Dunin) se-ribu, Kayan (Uma Bawang) ji libuʔ, Kiput ma-libo, Bintulu sə-ribuʔ, Melanau Dalat sə-ribu ‘one thousand’, Proto-South Sulawesi *riwu ‘hundred thousand (perhaps < Malay ribu)’, Wolio rewu ‘thousand’, sa-rewu ‘one thousand’, Muna riwu ‘thousand’, Bimanese sa-rivu ‘one thousand’, Kambera riu ‘thousand’, ha-riu ‘one thousand’.
Based on Tagalog libo, Toba Batak ribu, Javanese ewu, Malay, Ngaju Dayak ribu, Malagasy a-rivu ‘thousand’ Dempwolff (1938) posited *ribu ‘thousand’. However, this reconstruction was problematic from the start, since the Tagalog, Ngaju Dayak and Malagasy words are almost certain loans from Malay. As the matter is pursued in greater depth with more languages the history of this word becomes even more perplexing, as nearly all reflexes in both the Philippines and Indonesia appear to be Malay loans, yet a few languages have forms that cannot be explained in this way, pointing instead to *Ribu. This is clearly true of Maranao in the southern Philippines, and of the Berawan languages in Sarawak, both of which reflect PMP *R as g in this word. It also appears to be true of the Kenyah dialects (including Penan), which normally lose *R word-initially. Many other forms are ambiguous: e.g. is Ilokano ríbo ‘thousand’ native, or is it a Malay loanword that has acquired native affixation in the form sa-ŋa-ríbo ‘one thousand’? All in all it seems best to assume that PMP had a word *Ribu ‘thousand’ that was lost or replaced in Proto-Eastern Malayo-Polynesian, but preserved in many languages of western Indonesia and the Philippines, only to be replaced in time by Malay ribu, presumably as a consequence of the dominant role of Malay in pan-archipelagic trade over the past two millennia. In this respect it stands in sharp contrast to reflexes of *Ratus ‘hundred’, which appear to be native in most languages, including those that have an apparently borrowed form of *Ribu.
|
28034
*Ri(m)bun heap up
4920
PWMP *Ri(m)bun heap up
|
Note: With root *-bun (or *bequn?) ‘heap, cover with earth; collect, assemble’.
|
33552
*Riduq to shake, as the ground in an earthquake
12285
PPh *Riduq to shake, as the ground in an earthquake
|
Note: This comparison was first suggested by Sneddon (1978:124/185). Since reflexes of PAn *linuR ‘earthquake’ are far more robustly attested in Philippine languages, I assume that this word referred to the shaking or rocking movement experienced during an earthquake.
|
28019
*Rihuq tree sp.
4905
PWMP *Rihuq tree sp.
|
|
28038
30691
29997
33346
*Rimukud soul
Note: Also Tontemboan (n)imuɁkur ‘soul, ghost, the individuality of a living or dead person’, Mongondow dimukud ‘ghost, soul’, rimukud-an ‘ghost, soul (priestly language)’. The high level of irregularity in the attested shapes of this form raises questions about possible borrowing. This appears to have been a PPh replacement for PMP *sumaŋed ‘soul of a living being’.
|
30329
*Rinu winnowing basket
7301
PAN *Rinu winnowing basket
7302
PMP *niRu winnowing basket
|
Note: Also Bontok ligʔó ‘winnowing basket’, Tombonuwo lilibu ‘oblong winnowing tray’, Bintulu ñiruʔ ‘winnowing basket’ (< Malay), Ngaju Dayak ñiro ‘a round, flat basket used to winnow rice’ (< Malay). The shape of the PAn form is unclear, since the two primary witnesses (Pazeh and PMP) disagree in the order of consonants. I assume that Lun Dayeh, Kelabit rinuh represents a metathesis from the PMP form rather than a conservative agreement with Formosan languages, and that the nasal in Malay ñiru is a product of historically secondary palatalization, as in ñiur < *niuR ‘coconut’.
|
29921
(Formosan only)
*RiNaS long feathers used for personal adornment
6596
PAN *RiNaS-an the male of Swinhoe’s blue pheasant
|
Note: Given the clear morphological connection between these forms it is reasonable to assume that *RiNaS referred in particular to the tail feathers of the male Swinhoe’s blue pheasant, since these are particularly long and striking, with their peacock-like patterns of ocelli. Within historical times such feathers were highly valued in the traditional cultures of several Formosan aboriginal groups. This term is striking in that the name of the animal from which the natural product comes is derived by suffixation with *-an ‘locative’ (male Swinhoe’s blue pheasant lit. = ‘source of long tail feathers’). The correctness of this interpretation is confirmed by a parallel usage with *waNiS ‘tusk of wild boar’ : *waNiS-an ‘wild boar’, where the name for the wild boar is literally ‘source of tusks’, another natural product that was traditionally valued for its decorative uses among the Formosan aborigines.
|
33868
28031
*Riŋaw fish sp.
4917
PWMP *Riŋaw fish sp.
|
|
31363
28036
28028
*Riqek thresh grain by trampling
4914
PAN *Riqek thresh grain by trampling
|
8217
PWMP *maŋ-Riqek thresh grain with the feet
|
8218
PWMP *R<um>iqek to thresh by trampling
|
Note: Also Bikol giník ‘to thresh rice with the feet’ (< *Riqek?), Tiruray erék ‘to thresh by trampling’, Yakan mag-diʔik ‘to tread on something, step on something, be run over by something; to thresh grain’. Zorc (1985) assigned Tagalog giʔík to "Proto-Hesperonesian-Formosan" *Gíek ‘to thresh’, citing Kanakanabu uma-iriki, Malay (h)irék ‘thresh’ as the only non-Philippine reflexes. However, Kanakanabu uma-iriki, like Puyuma (Tamalakaw) iRik ‘thresh with the feet’ is most simply derived from *iRik, and Malay (h)irek from *qiRik. Most languages appear to reflect *eRik, but given this reconstruction the Tagalog, Hanunóo, BISA, Manobo (Western Bukidnon), Lun Dayeh, Sangir and Totoli reflexes must be treated as though they are similar but unrelated forms. A careful consideration of other bases that have a postvocalic schwa, such as *kaen ‘eat’ suggests that contraction of the vowel sequence that resulted from loss of *q was likely to occur independently in many languages, and the disyllabic canonical preference of most AN languages would then have led to restoration of the lost disyllabism by schwa epenthesis, hence *Riqek > *Riek > *Rik > *eRik.
|
28029
31364
29949
30654
*Ruab high tide, tidal flow
8169
PMP *Ruab high tide, tidal flow [doublet: *luab]
|
8170
POC *Ruap high tide, tidal flow
|
Note: Also Kadazan Dusun uvab ‘high tide’, Iban (Scott 1956) uap ‘a tide mark, a mark left by liquid’, Fordata ruat ‘flood, rising water’, Numfor rub ‘flood’. Milke (1968) posited POc *Ruap ‘tidal wave’, but he was unaware of cognates outside the Oceanic group, and his gloss is at odds with the great majority of languages, which suggest that both PMP *Ruab and POc *Ruap meant ‘high tide, tidal flow’.
|
28041
29922
(Formosan only)
*Rubu nest, lair
6597
PAN *Rubu nest, lair [doublet: *Nibu]
|
Note: Also Kavalan Rupu ‘pen, corral (as for pigs), enclosure; pigpen, chicken house; bird nest, ant nest’.
|
30434
*Rudaŋ old, of people
7581
PAN *Rudaŋ old, of people
|
Note: Also Seediq (Truku) ludan ‘old, elderly; parents’, ma-ludan ‘to age, become old’, Maranao roraŋ ‘old leaf; old’. This is a somewhat difficult comparison, since all languages except Rukai, Truku Seediq, and Maranao reflect an initial consonant that is ambiguous for *g or *R, and --- as noted by Dempwolff (1938:56), apparent cognates in Toba Batak and Malagasy point to *gudaŋ. The Truku Seediq word is irregular but cannot easily be accounted for as a loanword, while the Maranao word presumably derives from a Bilic source, but the sources available for Tiruray and Tboli show no such form. Despite these problems I take the agreement between Rukai and Maranao to indicate PAn *R-, and dismiss Malagasy mi-hórana ‘to increase, to augment, to become aggravated, as a fire, a plague, etc.’ as unrelated on semantic grounds, and Toba Batak godaŋ (expected **godaŋ) ‘much, many; large’, ma-godaŋ ‘to grow; high, of water level’ as unrelated on both formal and semantic grounds.
|
28044
33609
30330
*Rumaq house
7303
PAN *Rumaq house
Formosan |
Pazeh |
xuma | house |
|
matu-xuma | to build a house |
Sakizaya |
lumaʔ | house |
Amis |
lomaʔ | building, a house, a home |
|
misa-lomaʔ | to build a building or house |
Bunun |
lumaq | family; house; home |
Puyuma |
rumaʔ | house |
Paiwan |
umaq | house; (Western Paiwan) grave |
WMP |
Sambal (Botolan) |
gómaʔ | sheath for bolo |
Subanon |
gumaʔ-an | sheath for bolo |
Binukid |
gumaʔ | bolo sheath, scabbard; to sheathe a bolo, put a bolo in a sheath |
Manobo (Western Bukidnon) |
gumaʔ | a sheath for a sharp tool or weapon; to make a sheath; to put in a sheath |
Tiruray |
rumaʔ | a scabbard or sheath |
Mapun |
lumaʔ | house; store, or building |
|
mag-lumaʔ | to live in a house |
|
ŋa-lumaʔ-an | to go from house to house |
|
lumaʔ-lumaʔ | a playhouse for children |
Yakan |
lumaʔ | house |
|
mag-lumaʔ | to live somewhere, to make one’s place somewhere |
|
ka-lumaʔ-an | village, cluster of houses |
|
lumaʔ-lumaʔ | playhouse |
Tboli |
lumak | scabbard; sheath for sword or dagger; put a bolo into a scabbard; to sheathe; to wear a sheath around the waist |
Bilaan (Sarangani) |
lumaʔ | sheath for bolo |
Tabun |
ruma | house |
Kelabit |
rumaʔ | house (= longhouse) |
Sa'ban |
maʔ | house, longhouse |
Kenyah |
umaʔ | house (= longhouse) |
Kayan |
uma | a longhouse, a single house, any building; a Kayan clan |
Kayan (Uma Juman) |
uma | house |
Bintulu |
umaʔ | house |
Ngaju Dayak |
huma | house (the large, permanent dwelling houses in villages) |
|
maŋka-huma | have a house somewhere, reside |
Iban |
rumah | house, permanent dwelling; housing; longhouse as ritual center of menoa (area of land held and used by distinct community) |
Malay |
rumah | house; specifically, a dwelling house in contrast to a mosque, or to a balai or meeting house open to all |
|
be-rumah | to set up house, to get married |
|
me-rumah-i | to break into a private house to compromise or violate one of its inmates |
|
rumah-rumah-an | playhouse for children |
Acehnese |
rumòh | house, dwelling |
Gayō |
umah | house |
|
umah-umah-en | playhouse for children |
Simalur |
luma | house |
|
luma-luma | miniature house (playhouse for children) |
Karo Batak |
rumah | house, dwelling; the true village, as opposed to what lies outside it (gardens, bathing place, etc.); lineage or family as a segment of the sub-merga |
|
me-rumah | live in a house (as opposed to animals, which live in holes) |
|
pe-rumah-i | to use as a house |
|
ŋe-rumah-i | to diagnose an illness |
|
berat rumah | pregnant (lit. ‘heavy house’) |
Dairi-Pakpak Batak |
rumah | house |
Toba Batak |
ruma | house, especially the beautifully constructed houses of the wealthy |
Mentawai |
uma | large house, common house |
Enggano |
e-uba | house |
Old Javanese |
umah | house, home, abode |
|
m-omah | to have a house, run a household |
|
in-umah-an | inhabited |
|
p-omah-omah | property brought into a marriage |
Javanese |
omah | house, home |
Balinese |
humah | house, the complex containing the usual group of buildings (stone house, open platform with thatched roof for daily activity, rice-store, kitchen, pig-sty and house shrine) |
|
humah-in | be housed, dwell |
Proto-Sangiric |
*Roma | sheath |
Sangir |
homa | slip, cover, sheath; also mask under which an enchanted prince appears |
Proto-Minahasan |
*umaʔ | sheath; to sheathe |
Tonsawang |
umaʔ | sheath; to sheathe |
Mongondow |
gumaʔ | sheath (for a bolo, etc.) |
Chamorro |
gumaʔ | house, home, shelter, refuge, dwelling, dormitory, building |
CMP |
Donggo |
uma | house |
Anakalangu |
uma | house |
Kambera |
uma | house |
Rotinese |
uma | house, home |
Tetun |
uma | house, dwelling place, lair (of animals), coccoon (of insects) |
Tetun (Dili) |
uma | house |
Vaikenu |
umɛ | house |
Erai |
ruma | granary |
Leti |
ruma | house |
Luang |
romə | house |
Wetan |
roma | house; also clan, lineage, e.g. Roma Lona, the house (clan lineage) of Lona |
Ujir |
Rumaq | house |
Watubela |
lumak | house |
Bonfia |
suma | house |
Masiwang |
uma | house |
Teluti |
uma | house |
Manusela |
luma ~ numa | house |
Nuaulu |
numa | house |
Gah |
lume | house |
Wahai |
luma-n | house |
Saparua |
rumah | house |
Hitu |
luma | house |
Asilulu |
luma | house, building |
|
luma-tau | an extended family, all of whom bear a single family name, passed on patrilineally; a clan comprising a single family in this sense, and usually one or two smaller families which are historically dependent on that clan |
Larike |
duma | house |
Batu Merah |
luma | house |
Morella |
lumah | house |
Buruese |
huma | house |
|
huma-xnati | married |
Sula |
uma | house |
SHWNG |
Taba |
um | house |
Gimán |
um | house |
Sawai |
um | house |
Mayá |
ꞌu³m | house |
Biga |
(w)um | house |
Minyaifuin |
um | house |
Moor |
ruma | house |
Numfor |
rum | house |
|
rum | house |
Waropen |
ruma | house; shop; branch of a family |
OC |
Nauna |
yum | house |
Lou |
um | house |
Loniu |
um | house |
Andra |
um | house |
Leipon |
wum | house |
Papitalai |
wum | house |
Ponam |
um | house |
Sori |
gum | house |
Bipi |
wum | house |
Tolai |
ruma | house |
Bali (Uneapa) |
rumaka | house |
Arop |
numa | house |
Kove |
luma | house |
Lakalai |
la-luma | family house, domicile (as opposed to men’s house) |
|
la-luma-luma | houses (collectively), village |
Wogeo |
ruma | house |
Sio |
luma | house |
Gitua |
rumwa | house |
Patep |
γumak | house |
Suau |
numa | house |
Motu |
ruma | house |
Gabadi |
ruma | house |
Tawala |
numa | house |
|
numa hinemamaena | marriage bond |
Saliba |
numa | house |
Tubetube |
nume | house |
Haku |
a-luma | house |
Selau |
ruma | house |
Piva |
nuuma | house |
Uruava |
ruma | house |
Torau |
ruma | house |
Kwaio |
luma | dwelling house |
Lau |
luma | a family house, house for married people |
Toqabaqita |
luma | traditionally: house where a woman and her children lived; today: family house |
Arosi |
ruma | a house, oblong in shape; a family |
Gilbertese |
uma | any kind of dwelling, anything with roof; house, dwelling, hut, shelter, cabin, roof, tent, umbrella |
|
i uma | in an inhabited place, in the village, at home |
|
te aine-n uma | housewife (married woman) |
Pohnpeian |
ihmw | building, house, home, dwelling |
|
imwe- | possessive classifier used for buildings |
Mokilese |
umw | house |
Chuukese |
iimw | house, building, hut, shelter, shed |
Puluwat |
yiimw | house, building of any kind |
|
yimwa-n | his/her house |
Woleaian |
imw | house, dwelling, room, shelter |
|
imwa- | possessive classifier for dwellings or sleeping places |
Ulithian |
yiṁa | house |
Mota |
imwa | a house |
Lakona |
umwe | house |
Piamatsina |
ima | house |
Malmariv |
ima | house |
Mafea |
ima | house |
Amblong |
ima | house |
Araki |
ima | house, home |
Vao |
ne ime | house |
Atchin |
ne-im | house |
Rano |
na-im | house |
Avava |
i-im | house |
Axamb |
na-im | house |
Lonwolwol |
im | house |
Southeast Ambrym |
im | house |
Paamese |
e-in | house, home |
Toak |
n-im | house |
Lelepa |
na-sumwa | house |
Kwamera |
n-imwa | house, building |
Iaai |
uma | house |
Canala |
mwã | house |
|
Note: Also Pazeh xumak ‘house’, Sambal (Botolan) gómaʔ ‘sheath’, Balaesang, Dampelas, Totoli guma ‘sheath for a machete’, Bare'e guma ‘sheath of a sword or knife; husk of fruits that have a husk’, mo-guma ‘have or use a sheath’, Wuvulu umu, Mbula ruumu, 'Āre'āre nima, numa ‘house’. The Balaesang, Dampelas, Totoli and Bare'e forms are clear loanwords from a Philippine source. Although this initially may appear surprising, it is plausibly explained as a product of contact during the Greater Central Philippine expansion into northern Sulawesi, which gave rise to the Gorontalo-Mongondow subgroup, and evidently led to significant contacts with languages as far south as central Sulawesi (Blust 1991). In addition to meaning ‘house’ it is clear from a number of reflexes in northern Sumatra and eastern Indonesia that by at least Proto-Malayo-Polynesian times *Rumaq also referred to a segmentary lineage or kin group defined with reference to an apical ancestor (Blust 1980a).
|
30576
*Rumbia sago palm
7959
PMP *Rumbia sago palm [doublet: *Rambia]
|
Note: Also Simalur dumbio ‘sago palm, Metroxylon sagu Rottb.’. Several of the forms cited here (e.g. Tausug lumbiya, Malagasy rufia, Muna rumbia) appear to be loanwords from Malay, although this seems rather unlikely with Sangir humbia. That the entire comparison might be a loan distribution also seems improbable in view of the fact that the doublet *Rambia clearly cannot be explained in this way, and shows unambiguously that the sago palm was known and valued for various purposes from at least Proto-Malayo-Polynesian times.
|
33592
28047
28048
28060
30762
*Rupas loosen, untie
8464
POC *Rupas loosen, untie [disjunct: *lupas]
|
Note: Also Roviana rupaha ‘to untie, release, free’. With root *-pas ‘tear or rip off’.
|
30648
*Ruqa neck
Note: Also Gitua lua ‘neck’.
|
28052
*RuqaNay male
4938
PAN *RuqaNay male
11914
PMP *Ruqanay male
|
4939
PMP *ma-Ruqanay male
11915
POC *maRuqane male
|
Note: Also Vitu ta-mohane ‘man, male’. Replaces *waNay (Blust 1970). Tsuchida (1976:171) gives Proto-South Formosan *(S₁₆a-)Ruq₄aɬay ‘man (male)’.
|
30650
30771
*Rusuk ribcage
8476
PWMP *ma-Rusuk thin, skinny (?)
|
8477
PPh *maka-Rusuk (gloss uncertain)
|
Note: Also Nias osu ‘piece of rib (?)’, Sundanese usuk ‘roof rafter’ (< Javanese), Mongondow mo-rutuk ~ mo-yutuk ‘thin, skinny’, Tae' usuk ‘rib’, Lau lisu ‘knob of wood on bottom of canoe on which lusu rests’, Arosi risu ‘supports for seats of canoe’. The PAn status of this form depends on a single Formosan reflex recorded in the 17th century in a language that is now extinct. Moreover, although all other sound correspondences are regular, the initial vowel of Favorlang/Babuza arroso is unexplained. This word and PAn *tageRaŋ both appear to have meant ‘rib; ribcage’; if there was a semantic distinction it is not apparent from the available reflexes.
|
30326
28057
28058
a b c C d e g h i j k l m n N ñ ŋ o p q r R s S t u w y z
Austronesian Comparative Dictionary, web edition
Robert Blust and Stephen Trussel
2010: revision 6/21/2020
email: Blust (content)
Trussel (production)
CognateSets-Index-R