![]() | Updated: 6/21/2020 |
Austronesian Comparative Dictionary
Noise
a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w y z
(Dempwolff: *liŋaw ‘still, calm’)
calm: still, calm
This probably is best treated as a collected of unrelated forms until such time as better comparative data is available. Dempwolff (1938) reconstructed Uraustronessisch *liŋaw ‘still, calm’ (Stillsein). |
(Dempwolff: *taduq ‘calm, of the wind’)
calm (of the wind)
Dempwolff (1938) used this comparison to posit ‘Uraustronesisch’ *taduq (dbl. *te(n)duq) ‘calm, of the wind’ (Windstille). However, I am unable to find the Tagalog form in any modern dictionary of the language, and even if it were available, it is phonologically irregular, lacking a final glottal stop. In addition, Ngaju Dayak tadoh is ambiguous for a form with penultimate *a or *e, and the Sa'a form is best treated as a chance resemblance. |
carry: bring, carry
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carry: bring, carry
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causative marker
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cease: stop, cease
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center: split down the center
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ceremony
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certain: ten, in counting certain objects
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(Dempwolff: *ibaq)
change: other, to change
Chance. Dempwolff (1934-38) combined these forms with Ngaju Dayak iwa-n 'sister-in-law (woman speaking)'. |
chase: pursue, chase
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child: offspring child
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chip off: break off, chip off
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chirrup: shrill whistle or chirrup
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chop, split, adze something
The Thao form could reflect either *saqsaq or *taqtaq, the Paiwan form only *saqsaq. Probably a chance resemblance. |
clap: slap, clap
Probably best treated as a convergent development with the common monosyllabic root *-pak₁ ‘slap, clap’. |
clasp in the arms
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clause-final particle
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(Dempwolff: *te(m)bak ‘to clear forest’.)
clear forest for planting
Based on this comparison Dempwolff (1938) proposed *te(m)bak ‘to clear forest’. |
close together
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close: dense, close together
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(Dempwolff: *pezam 'close the eyes')
close the eyes
Dempwolff (1938) proposed *pezam ‘close the eyes’ (dbl. (*penDem), but the Toba Batak form is better treated as a Malay loan, and the Fijian and Polynesian forms, which show multiple phonological irregularities, as chance resemblances to the forms in insular Southeast Asia. |
cock's comb
Malay baloŋ may be cognate with the first two syllables of the northern Philippine forms. Until more information is available, however, this comparison is perhaps best treated as a product of chance. |
coconut
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cold, cool
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cold
Given the availability of much stronger comparisons for this meaning, and the absence of known comparable forms in any non-Polynesian language apart from Wandamen, this comparison is best treated as a product of chance. |
collide, hit, strike
The Philippine forms are unrelated to those in western Indonesia. Of the latter only Bidayuh (Bukar-Sadong) and Malay, or Malay and the Batak languages permit a comparison, and this cannot safely be attributed to PWMP. |
cock's comb
Malay baloŋ may be cognate with the first two syllables of the northern Philippine forms. Until more information is available, however, this comparison is perhaps best treated as a product of chance. |
come across by chance: meet, come across by chance
These two have probably met by chance, as no other supporting evidence for this comparison is known. |
companion
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(Dempwolff: *belas)
compassion: pity, compassion
The similarity of Makassarese ballasaʔ to the other forms cited here probably is due to chance. The remainder of this comparison is best regarded as a late innovation in western Indonesia, with likely borrowing either from Malay or from Javanese. |
conceal: shelter, conceal
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conceive
Chance. Despite the non-conforming Ngaju Dayak form and the wide latitude in semantics Dempwolff 1934-38 proposed this comparison presumably on the assumption that the affixed form in Javanese was a clearer indication of the meaning of the base form than the base form itself. |
confused
Most of the items both in western and eastern Indonesia are assumed to be loans from Malay. The similarity of Pohnpeian piŋ to these forms is attributed to chance. |
(Dempwolff: *bulut)
confused
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(Dempwolff: *ulik)
confusion
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(Dempwolff: *kaliŋ ‘connecting piece’)
connecting piece
Dempwolff (1938) reconstructed *kaliŋ with the vague gloss ‘Zwischenstück’ (‘connecting piece’), using it to combine a collection of semantically disparate forms solely on the grounds that they could all be assigned to a reconstruction of the same shape. |
(Dempwolff: *tuŋkəq ‘piece, connecting piece’)
connecting piece
Dempwolff (1938) proposed ‘Uraustronesisch’ *tuŋkəq ‘piece, connecting piece’. |
consciousness: lose consciousness
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(Dempwolff: *kekel ‘constant, steady’)
constant, steady
Dempwolff (1938) proposed *kekel ‘constant, steady’, but the evidence he presented provides little convincing support for his reconstruction. |
container: woven container
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container: edge, rim, flat container
This is an example of a type of comparison that is unfortunately rather common in Dempwolff (1938), namely one in which the semantics of forms that would allow a higher-level reconstruction are extremely forced and artificial (the Ngaju Dayak and Javanese forms, which are semantically compatible, cannot safely support a reconstruction, given the longstanding Javanese influence on Banjarese and Ngaju Dayak). Unlike most of the chance resemblances for which Dempwolff proposed PAn reconstructions this one also shows an unacknowledged phonological irregularity, since he cites Fijian i-tabi ‘flat basket’, while Capell (1968) instead gives tabe ‘to hold or carry with the hands under’, i-tabe ‘a small oval basket without handles’. |
(Dempwolff: *taki ‘contradict someone’)
contradict someone
Dempwolff (1938) reconstructed ‘Uraustronesisch’ *taki ‘contradict someone’ (widerede), based on Tagalog taki-taki ‘digression’ and the Malay word given here, but I am unable to find his Tagalog form in Panganiban (1966) or English (1986), and the available evidence does not strongly support a reconstruction with the shape and meaning he proposed. |
cook, boil
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cold, cool
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coral
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cough
The Tiruray form is assumed to be a Manobo loan; the similar of the Rotinese and Motu forms to these is attributed to chance. |
cough
Chance. Toba Batak oŋkol probably contains a root *-kel, seen in such Philippine forms as Manobo (Sarangani) kelkel and Kalamian Tagbanwa kulkul 'cough'. |
cough
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(Dempwolff: *kukak ‘cough’)
cough
Dempwolff (1938) proposed *kukak ‘cough’, but the support given for this is too weak to merit a reconstruction without further evidence (Malagasy should reflect *k- as h, and Toba Batak should reflect *u as u). |
(Dempwolff: *wilis)
count
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counting: ten, in counting certain objects
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(Dempwolff: *taman ‘yard, courtyard’)
courtyard: yard, courtyard
Dempwolff (1938) reconstructed ‘Uraustronesisch’ *taman ‘yard, courtyard’ (Hof), but there is little likelihood that any of these forms are related. |
cover, shut
The Bornean forms point to *ateb; the similarity of Tagalog atáb/ and Muna ghonto to these is attributed to chance. |
(Dempwolff: *tambeŋ ‘covered, veiled’)
covered, veiled
Dempwolff (1938) proposed PAn *tambeŋ ‘covered, veiled’ for what is best treated as a collection of unrelated forms. |
covering membrane of plants
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coverlet: blanket, coverlet
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(Dempwolff: *tumbak ‘crab claw, lance’ )
crab claw, lance
This is one of the most remarkably speculative of all Dempwolff etymologies. The forms in western Indonesia refer exclusively to spears or lances, and those in Polynesian languages to land crabs, but here he has tried to force a connection by assuming that the primary reference in the latter case is to the claw of the crab, imagined as somehow believed to be lance-like (rather than pincer-like, which is far more likely). Dempwolff (1938) reconstructed ‘Uraustronesisch’ *tumbak ‘crab claw, lance’ (Krebsschere, Lanze). |
crag
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cranium: skull, cranium
Although initially tempting, this comparison is problematic in two respects: 1. the final correspondence appears to be without parallel, 2. the referent in Philippine languages evidently is the bony structure of the body in general rather than the skull in particular. With regard to the first of these points Zorc (1982:115) has argued for the reconstruction of PAn *-q, *-ʔ, and *-h. Amis foŋoh points to an etymon with *-h, but this is cohtradicted by all Philippine witnesses, which can indicate only *-q or *-ʔ. |
crashing sound
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(Dempwolff: *laḍaŋ ‘cropland’)
cropland
Based on these four forms and Javanese laḍaŋ ‘clearing’, Dempwolff (1938) reconstructed Uraustronesisch *laḍaŋ ‘cropland’. However the Javanese form cannot be located (the closest I have found is Pigeaud’s laḍaŋ ‘good opportunity; room to do something’). Apart from the Iban and Malay forms, which are clearly cognate, but show Iban’s recurrent pattern of antonymy (Blust 1981), the remaining forms are best treated as a collection of random similarities. |
crossbeam supporting floor
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crotch
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crowd, throng
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cruel: mean, cruel
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crush
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crush
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(Dempwolff: *teba ‘cultivated land’)
cultivated land
Dempwolff (1938) reconstructed ‘Uraustronesisch *teba ‘cultivated land’ (Fruchtland), but without better evidence this reconstruction appears fanciful. |
curl: bend, curl
Probably chance, although both forms appear to contain the root *-kel 'bend, curl'. |
(Dempwolff: *keDut ‘curl’)
curl
Dempwolff (1938) posited *keDut ‘curl’, but there is little semantic cohesion to this set of formally compatible words. |
curse
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(Dempwolff: *beluR)
curvature
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cut
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cut
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cut up, cut off
Chance (cp. POc *paRi 'cut or lop off branches'). |
cut up, cut off
Chance (cp. POc *paRi 'cut or lop off branches'). |
(Dempwolff: *zu(ŋ)kit ‘cut off’)
cut off
Based on the forms given here Dempwolff (1938) reconstructed *zu(ŋ)kit ‘cut off’, a form that now appears to be unsupportable. |
a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w y z
Austronesian Comparative Dictionary, web edition
Robert Blust and Stephen Trussel
www.trussel2.com/ACD
2010: revision 6/21/2020
email: Blust (content)
Trussel (production)
D:\Users\Stephen\Documents\Visual Studio 2008\Projects\prjACD\prjACD\bin\Debug\acd-n_c.htm
Austronesian Comparative Dictionary, web edition
Robert Blust and Stephen Trussel
www.trussel2.com/ACD
2010: revision 6/21/2020
email: Blust (content)
Trussel (production)
Noise-Index-c