g   

gap, space, void

Based on this comparison Dempwolff (1938) posited Uraustronesisch *puhaŋ ‘empty’ (leersein), citing the gloss of Fijian vua as ‘uninhabited’ (unbewohnt sein).

gasp

gasp

gasping for air

Based on this comparison (minus Old Javanese) Dempwolff (1938) proposed ‘Uraustronesisch’ *Deŋu ‘cessation of breathing’ (Atem Stockung). Given the semantic looseness of his comparison it seems best to attribute it to chance, pending further evidence.

gather

genitals

genitals

germinate, burst out

Also Kavalan btuq ‘explode’. Malay bertéh probably derives from ber- + retéh, as in meretéh ‘springing up in little jerks, like shrimps jumping about in a landing basket’.

ghost

Chance. Adriani (1928) refers the Bare'e forms to Indonesian wali 'ghost', but cites no supporting evidence.

girls:   term of address for girls

give:   be born, give birth

give

glide:   slide, glide

Based on the above data (except for Old Javanese) Dempwolff (1938) reconstructed *suRsuR ‘to slide, glide’. However, I have not found his Tagalog form in either Panganiban (1966) or English (1986), and even if it is accepted, there is too little semantic agreement among any of the forms cited here to permit a confident reconstruction.

glide off, slide off

Dempwolff (1938) proposed *sibsib ‘glide off, slide off’, but his comparison is both semantically and phonologically unconvincing. Neither the Old Javanese form (substituted for Dempwolff’s Javanese s<əl>isib, which I cannot find in Pigeaud 1938 or Horne 1974) nor Fijian sisi has any obvious semantic connection with the Polynesian words or with one another, at least under the meaning ‘glide off, slide off’. Moreover, the latter reflect POc *sipo, and are thus morphologically hi-hifo, si-sifo, not hihif-o, sisif-o.

glitter, flash

glue

Dempwolff (1934-1938) posited ‘Uraustronesisch’ *dampul ‘adhesive, glue’ (Klebstoff).

go:   follow, go after

goiter

Chance. Dempwolff (1934-38) compared Toba Batak barut with Tagalog bagót 'exasperated; in a state of ennui or impatience', Malay barut 'bandaging; long wrapper or bandage', and proposed *baRut 'goiter'. Neither of the latter words, however, appear to be cognate with the Batak forms (Tagalog bagót almost certainly contains a root *-gut 'angry').

goiter

Chance. Tsuchida (1976:141) assumes cognation of the Formosan forms and Ilokano biél, with assimilation of the last vowel in Bunun and the Tsouic languages, but this hypothesis requires at least two independent instances of sporadic assimilation in the same lexical item (one in Proto-Tsouic, the other in Bunun). Given this problem and the occurrence of still other phonetically similar but non-corresponding forms (as Puyuma buʔur) I prefer to treat this comparison as a product of chance.

goiter

good

gourd, pumpkin

Malay non-cognate, Ngaju Dayak possibly an early borrowing from Javanese.

grandparent, grandchild

grandfather

grandparent, grandchild

great grandparent

Chance. LeBar's Sasak balo/ and Bimanese waro are phonologically compatible, but Goris (1938) gives Sasak baloʔ 'great grandfather', be-baloʔ 'crocodile', and KOM waro suggests that the medial consonant in Bimanese waro does not derive from *l.

grip, grasp

Dempwolff (1938) reconstructed ‘Uraustronesisch’ *taŋtaŋ ‘to grip, grasp’ (mit her Hand greifen).

grass

grass, brush

grasshopper:   bait, grasshopper

grate:   to grate

Dempwolff (1938) posited *kuRkuR ‘to rub, grate’. I am unable to find Tagalog kugkog in any modern dictionary.

great grandparent

Chance. LeBar's Sasak balo/ and Bimanese waro are phonologically compatible, but Goris (1938) gives Sasak baloʔ 'great grandfather', be-baloʔ 'crocodile', and KOM waro suggests that the medial consonant in Bimanese waro does not derive from *l.

grip, grasp

Dempwolff (1938) reconstructed ‘Uraustronesisch’ *taŋtaŋ ‘to grip, grasp’ (mit her Hand greifen).

growl

Chance, although all three contain a likely root *-ŋer 'growl' seen also in Maranao ŋeŋer 'growl, howl, grunt'.

growth stage of rice

growth, increase

Based on the comparison of these forms plus Ngaju Dayak laba ‘have a result’, and Javanese labah ‘addition, supplement’ (Zusatz), Dempwolff (1938) posited Uraustronesisch *labaq ‘increase, growth’. However, Hardeland (1859) gives Ngaju Dayak laba ‘exceptionally lucky’ (vorzugsweise glücklich), and I am unable to find a similar Javanese form in either Horne (1974) or Pigeaud (1938). Given the collapse of the rest of his comparison and the absence of newer support the relationship between the Tagalog and Toba Batak forms given here is best attributed to chance.

guess, suspect