*d   

*dakeS a tree: the camphor laurel: Cinnamomum spp.

Note:   This comparison was first pointed out by Li (1994).

*damuq₁ menstrual blood?

Note:   Also Puyuma damuk ‘blood’, Paiwan djaq ‘menstrual blood’, ma-djaq ‘menstruate’. This comparison presents an apparent contradiction, since it is in competition with *daRaq ‘blood’, a form that is widely attested in both Formosan and Malayo-Polynesian languages. The simplest explanation would appear to be that *daRaq was found in PAn in the meaning ‘blood’, and that *damuq is a later innovation spread by borrowing among Formosan languages. However, with the possible exception of Puyuma damuk, which may be an irregularly transmitted loanword from Paiwan, reflexes of *damuq show a geographical distribution within Taiwan that cannot easily be explained by borrowing. To reconcile these problems I propose that both words occurred in PAn, but with different meanings: *daRaq ‘blood’, *damuq ‘menstrual blood’. If this solution is correct Paiwan shows a reversal of meaning, reflecting *damuq in the meaning ‘blood’, and *daRaq in the meaning ‘menstrual blood’.

*daqu₂ soapberry: Sapindus mukrossi, S. saponaria

Note:   Also Thao daqu (< Bunun), Kanakanabu, Saaroa caaʔu ‘soapberry; soap’. This comparison was first identified by Li (1994).

*daRa₁ Formosan maple: Liquidambar formosana

Note:   This comparison was first pointed out by Li (1994).

*daRiq soil, probably clay

*dawiN far

Note:   This word was replaced by PMP *zauq.

*diNaŋ rust; hematite

Note:   This is a startling comparison. Rust is iron oxide, and the existence of a word that can confidently be reconstructed with the meaning ‘rust’ implies a knowledge of iron in PAn, a claim that was first made without the benefit of the present comparison in Blust (1976). As noted in Blust (2013:262), the referent of this comparison may have been hematite, a substance that the archaeologist Hsiao-chun Hung and the geochemist Yoshiuka Iizuka have identified as the coloring agent in the red-slipped pottery of Taiwan dating to at least 5,000 years ago.

*dua over there, yonder

Note:   This important demonstrative morpheme, which figures in many derived expressions in both Pazeh and Paiwan, is unknown in any other language. While chance convergence and borrowing remain as alternative explanations that cannot be completely excluded, neither of these options is well-supported, and it therefore appears most plausible to attribute *dua to Proto-Austronesian.

*dukduk₁ ginger

Note:   This comparison was first noted by Li (1994). Li and Tsuchida (2001) note that the pioneering Japanese Formosanist Naoyoshi Ogawa recorded Pazeh dukuduk as dukduk in the 1930s. Since Ogawa’s transcriptions are generally reliable, this suggests that Pazeh has only recently broken up medial consonant clusters in reduplicated monosyllables by vowel copying. PAn *dukduk was replaced by PMP *laqia ‘ginger’.