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Updated: 6/21/2020 |
Austronesian Comparative Dictionary
Noise
| I have included a separate module of the dictionary called ‘Noise’ (in the information-theoretic sense of meaningless data that can be confused with a true signal). The reason for this is that the search process that results in valid cognate sets inevitably turns up other material that is superficially appealing, but is questionable for various reasons. To simply dispose of this ‘information refuse’ would be unwise for two reasons. First, further searching might show that some of these questionable comparisons are more strongly supported than it initially appeared. Second, even if the material is not upgraded through further comparative work it is always possible that some future researcher with different standards of evaluation will stumble upon some of these comparisons and claim that they are valid, but were overlooked in the ACD. By including a module on ‘Noise’ I can show that I have considered and rejected various possibilities that might be entertained by others. |
a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w y z
a
ac ad af ag am an ap ar as au aw ax
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(Dempwolff: *bun)
abundant
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(Dempwolff: *bali)
accompany, escort
This set of forms, which Dempwolff (1934-38) assigned to *bali contains material reflecting two distinct etyma (*balian, *baliw₂).
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(Dempwolff: *teman ‘accustomed to’)
accustomed to
Dempwolff (1938) proposed ‘Uraustronesisch’ *teman ‘accustomed to’.
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across: obstruct, stretch across
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address: term of address for females
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address: term of address for girls
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adze something: chop, split, adze something
The Thao form could reflect either *saqsaq or *taqtaq, the Paiwan form only *saqsaq. Probably a chance resemblance.
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(Dempwolff: *bati ‘house servants’)
affinal relative
Also Buli bati ‘friend’. Identical to Dempwolff (1920) *bati ‘house servants’, and probably a chance resemblance.
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affix: passive affix
The suffixed *-a in Oceanic languages probably is identical to *-a '3sg. object'. The prefixed a- in Malagasy and Fijian is assumed to have no historical connection, either between these two languages, or with any of the suffixes cited here.
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ago: a moment ago, in a moment
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and, with
The three Formosan forms almost certainly are cognate, and may point to PAn *Na. However, uncertainty concerning a possible Rukai-Tsouic subgroup, and the unknown history of borrowing between Rukai and Tsouic make such a reconstruction premature. In any case, the similarity of the South Sulawesi words to these is probably best treated as a product of convergence.
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ant
Chance. The Ngaju Dayak and Malagasy terms reflect a Proto-Barito innovation; those in Bisayan languages reflect *bitik 'spring up suddenly'.
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(Dempwolff: *ali)
argue, quarrel, dissention
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arm
Potentially a reflex of *sabak, but the limited distribution suggests that this is a product of chance.
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(Dempwolff: *liŋa ‘hand, arm’)
arm: hand arm
Chance. This is yet another example of the many forced comparisons in Dempwolff (1938). The Ngaju Dayak form clearly reflects PMP *leŋen ‘forearm, lower arm’. The loss of
word-final -n in obligatorily possessed nouns has led to reanalysis in other languages of Borneo, as in Uma Juman Kayan, where the reflex of PMP *ipen ‘tooth’ in constructions such as ipen-naɁ ‘his/her tooth’ has be reinterpreted as ipeɁ-naɁ ‘his/her tooth’ (with obligatory morpheme-final glottal stop). The Fijian word is most likely a reflex of POc *lima ‘hand’, with a sporadic replacement of *m by its labiovelar equivalent, as with Mota limwa ‘hand; five’. Dempwolff ignored the irregularity in the vowel correspondences of both syllables, and proposed Uraustronesisch *liŋa ‘hand, arm’ despite the availability of far better-supported words for this meaning.
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armpit
Chance. Together with the Cebuano and Aklanon forms, Maranao, Manobo (Western Bukidnon) irek, Mongondow iok 'armpit' indicate PCPh *irek.
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article: definite article
Probably a reflex of *qi 'genitive marker' in Nggela and Arosi. I assume that the similarity to Chamorro i is due to chance.
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(Dempwolff: *puhun ‘to ask permission’)
ask permission
Dempwolff (1938) used this comparison to propose *puhun ‘to ask permission’. However, I am unable to find the Tagalog form in any dictionary available to me, or in any other Philippine language, and the Malagasy word, if cognate, may be a Malay loan.
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(Dempwolff: *si(dD)aŋ ‘steep, precipitous’)
aslant, steep, precipitous
Dempwolff (1938) proposed *si(dD)aŋ ‘steep, precipitous’, but this comparison appears to be confined to Ngaju Dayak and Malagasy. It is thus best treated as ‘noise’ not on grounds of false cognation, but rather on the grounds that it cannot be reconstructed for a proto-language of any considerable time-depth.
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(Dempwolff: *daga ‘to be related’)
aunt, older woman
Dempwolff (1938) proposed ‘Uraustronesisch’ *daga ‘to be related’, but Dahl (1976:106-107) has rightly dismissed this comparison as invalid.
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a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w y z
Austronesian Comparative Dictionary, web edition
Robert Blust and Stephen Trussel
2010: revision 6/21/2020
email: Blust (content) –
Trussel (production)
D:\Users\Stephen\Documents\Visual Studio 2008\Projects\prjACD\prjACD\bin\Debug\acd-n_a.htm
Austronesian Comparative Dictionary, web edition
Robert Blust and Stephen Trussel
2010: revision 6/21/2020
email: Blust (content) –
Trussel (production)
Noise-Index-a